I wonder if a case could be made for *bogU being an _Indo-Aryan_
loanword in Slavic (borrowed when there were still some Indo-Aryans
north of the Black Sea). Inherited *bHagos should show Winterian
lengthening (**bagU), and the semantics `wealth, prosperity'
~ `dispenser of wealth, personified fortune' is strangely reminiscent
of Indo-Iranian (with more specifically Iranian religious
connotations added during later contacts). The word *sUboz^Ije `corn,
crop' looks like a collective (of what?) but might also be a
deadjectival noun presupposing *sU-bogU < *su-bHaga- `prosperous,
fortunate, blessed', perhaps the opposite of *ne-bogU (calquing *dus-
bHaga-?) `unfortunate'. However, under this analysis *sU- < *su- can
only be Indo-Aryan (or perhaps Proto-Indo-Iranian, but that might be
too early to avoid Winter's Law in Baltic/Slavic), since the Iranian
reflex is *hu-. Compounds with (PIE) *h1su- and *dus- are almost
absent from Slavic. The only examples I can think of are *dUzdjI <
*dus-dju- `rain' (literally `bad day') and *sUdorvU < *su-dorwo-
`healthy', both of which appear to have some Indo-Iranian parallels.
*sUdorvU has been analysed as an Iranian loan, but that is unlikely
(as above, *su- is un-Iranian, even if the puzzling vocalism *darva-
rather than *druva- `strong' could be somehow accounted for). Any
thoughts?
Piotr
--- In cybalist@..., tgpedersen@... wrote:
>
> Is Rus. <bogat-> "rich" related to that Iranian > Slavic
<bog> "god"
> word? EIEC doesn't put it there. It looks like a -t past participle
> of a non-existent *bogati "to apportion"?
>
> Torsten