From: Glen Gordon
>>We don't see this particular compound outside of Hellenic andNo, I mean in the specific analysis of /basileus/. IE *gWmti is
>>syllabic *m isn't really attested but rather implied from -a-.
>>Any underlying IE form could just as well have a syllabic *n,
>>*a or *x (*H2).
>Not "just as well", since only *gWm-ti is actually attested in a
>few different branches (Indo-Iranian and Baltic between them rule
>out the rest)
>I actually predict that Greek thwanatos (the digamma lived longI know. I'm giving you a hard time. Yet still, you have to admit
>in the non-Attic/Ionic dialects) would have become Etruscan *TvanTe where
>either T = orthographic <t> or <th> -- no less, no
>more. It is a well-constrained down-to-earth prediction, based on
>what is known about the structure of Greek loans in Etruscan.
>The loss of *t- is not arbitrary or abnormal if Etruscan did not >allowThis arguement works if we were talking about Latin or English...
>initial tv-. Stops are quite commonly lost before sonorants
>by way of cluster simplification -- English kn-, gn- > n-, Latin
>*dj- > j- (as in Iovis, Iuppiter).
>"Weak", yes; but not "just as weak". I agree that it is vulnerable on theYes, your arguement does require a series of conjectures like
>formal side, but at least I compare like with
>like -- Thanatos and Vanth, two deities with identical functions
>and attributes, and my argument does not require a series of
>conjectural semantic shifts.