*gWm-ti-s 'motion' from *gWem- 'walk, move'
is a bona fide PIE word. Apart from Gk. basis we have Skt. gati- 'motion, path,
progress'. Lith. gimti, Latv. dzimt 'to be born' (< 'to come') at the
very least shows the same formative principle, since Baltic and
Slavic infinitives derive from deverbal nouns in *-ti-.
(BTW, as regards your other predictions,
the expected but unattested Latin form would actually be truncated *vens/*ventis
parallel to mens, mors < *mn-ti-s, *mr-ti-s. In Slavic we would get *gIm-tI-
> *z^e~tI, also unattested. The Proto-Celtic reflex would be *-an-, not
*-in-)
Piotr
----- Original Message -----
Sent: Thursday, June 07, 2001 3:16 PM
Subject: Re: [tied] Basileus
If *gWmti- had cognates in other IE languages, we
must expect
Latin *Venti-
Germanic *Kundi-, *Kunthi-
Celtic *Binti-
Indo-iranian *Gati-
Slavic *Ge,ti-
Baltic *Gimti-